Covid 19

Maine consistently broke records for COVID-19 infections and hospitalizations throughout December last year; almost two years after the epidemic began. The pandemic endgame is still far off with the introduction of the omicron type, but politics have drastically changed in the past 12 months.

More than 80% of eligible Mainers have received at least one dose of the COVID-19 vaccine. Despite the fact that vaccines continue to significantly lower the risk of contracting the virus, more and more people are reporting breakthrough cases because of the more contagious delta form.

Democratic governor Janet Mills decided not to reinstate COVID-19 mitigation measures from 2020, such as mask requirements. She is instead concentrating on promoting vaccination. Her opponent, former Republican Gov. Paul LePage, is quick to claim he is immunized while laying out a hands-off pandemic strategy. He recently said that Maine should not have worried about the spread among children but rather had let them all have it to create immunity, a statement that was criticized by Democrats.

Although COVID-19 limitations are not likely to be reinstated, the virus’s quick spread is compounding a number of other difficulties. These include supply chain issues, a lack of workers, and strain on Maine’s healthcare system. There will be a lot of discussion in politics about finding answers for each issue, but the ongoing broadcast of COVID-19 will thwart any progress.

How to handle a significant financial surplus

Due in significant part to extensive federal support, Maine and other states have recovered from the COVID-19 pandemic in a better financial position than many had predicted. However, political bickering over the state’s $800 million budget surplus is certain to ensue.

Funding for child care or other initiatives aimed at assisting adults return to the workforce; direct assistance akin to the $285 checks handed to working Mainers this winter; and support for health professionals or other sectors adversely struck by the pandemic are also potential uses.

In response to worries about inflation, both Republicans and Mills have embraced the idea of direct help. However, there haven’t been many details provided. When the Legislature reconvenes in January, it is expected to be a big topic. Depending on how the legislative session proceeds, it might also come up in the contest between Mills and LePage for governor.

The ensuing energy conflicts

The referendum on the future of the Central Maine Power Co. broke records for politics-based spending in a Maine referendum. And it may only be a prelude to conflicts over energy in 2022 and beyond. The transmission line was rejected by almost six out of ten Mainers. But the project’s future is still uncertain because CMP is arguing that the referendum was illegal in court.

However, the company’s struggles are far from resolved. In order to put a referendum to establish a nonprofit consumer-owned utility on the November ballot, CMP opponents are gathering signatures.

A transmission line proposal to link Aroostook County to the rest of New England’s energy system will now need legislative approval. This might have an impact on other projects as well. A conflict is also developing over offshore wind. Mills signed a measure this year banning wind projects in state waters. This was whilst also pushing through with a pilot project in federal seas in response to complaints from lobstermen concerned about development. However, LePage also has a tangled history with coastal energy. For example he backed increased offshore drilling under President Donald Trump. He will certainly attempt to capitalize on fishermen’s concerns about new projects.

High energy costs this winter brought on by the rising price of natural gas have raised concerns about Maine’s future energy supplies. If the high costs continue, that will be a significant problem within politics in Maine this year on many fronts.

Nationalization of state and local races

Numerous national problems might also have an effect on Maine. In the local school board elections this year some politicians drew attention to “critical race theory”. They were mostly unsuccessful because there is little proof that it is being taught in the local schools.

However, national Republicans continue to bang on about it, and a few people here continue to speak out against it. Republicans have attempted to link Mills to high inflation in the governor’s campaign. This is despite the fact that rising prices are a problem in every state and even internationally. The reversal of the  Roe v. Wade ruling will also become more important in the contest between pro-abortion Mills and anti-abortion LePage.

Rep. Jared Golden, a Democrat, is already under pressure from his left for refusing to back President Joe Biden’s $2 trillion spending plan. The election for Maine’s 2nd Congressional District seems therefore to be a test case for nationalization.

Attempts have been made to link Golden to national Democrats by former U.S. Rep. Bruce Poliquin; a Republican running for re-election in 2022 alongside three primary opponents. However, the incumbent’s votes against his party on numerous well-known bills this year may make that impossible. Despite the fact that a lot may happen, it is generally believed that Maine Republicans, who are currently out of power both locally and in Washington, would benefit from the favorable national politics climate. In Maine’s elections next year, the harmony between the state’s circumstances and local concerns will play a crucial role.

The post The 4 topics defining Maine politics in 2022 appeared first on radiofreemaine.com.

There are two racetrack casinos for betting in Maine: Oxford Casino and Hollywood Casino Bangor.

Both casinos in Maine have live table games including craps, blackjack and three-card poker. There is also roulette as well as electronic games like video poker, slot machines, and video keno. Mini-baccarat, Spanish 21, Big 6 wheel, let it ride, Mississippi stud, ultimate Texas Hold ’em, and poker are additional games that some Maine casinos offer. They also provide harness racing pari-mutuel betting. For pari-mutuel betting and casino gambling, the minimum age to gamble is 21 and 18, respectively. If you prefer to play online casino, we can recommend you Casinos Jungle. They review the best casino sites in the US and the best casino games.

Slot Machine Payback Percentages in Maine Casinos

All electronic gaming machines must provide a minimum return of 89 percent in accordance with state gambling legislation in Maine. The payback percentages for electronic gambling devices are public information in Maine. 

Considering visiting the casinos in Maine?

Call Maine’s Office of Tourism at (888) 624-6345. Or visit their website at www.visitmaine.com for additional details about visiting casinos there or for general travel information.

Sports Betting in Maine

The industry has expressed a strong interest in the rollout. However, the new sports betting market in Maine may not attract the attention of well-known corporations due to its structure.

This April, the Legislature passed a law granting the Wabanaki tribes access to mobile sports betting. A the same time as reserving the much smaller in-person market for casinos and off-track betting offices. Before the market launches, it might take another two years.

But many industry participants have lined up to pay attention to the key regulation process. They have already started talking to at least one tribe about a relationship. The top names in sports betting thus far do not appear to share that desire.

That is due in part to Maine’s small size and the revenue arrangement created to support the tribes. However, it might provide smaller businesses with a chance to establish a footing. There should be plenty of time for things to work out as the state works out its regulations.

According to Milton Champion, the unit’s executive director, up to 12 organizations have contacted the Maine Gambling Control Unit to provide details about their services.

The NFL, Oxford Casino, sports data trackers, payment companies, and geolocators are among those parties. However, it excludes FanDuel and DraftKings, who control the exclusive market for sports betting in New Hampshire. These are the top two businesses in the country.

Champion stated that there was definitely some interest. However, Maine isn’t a $6 million state and it’s unlikely it will produce serious numbers.

The four mobile betting licenses for tribes, as well as the licenses for in-person wagering in casinos and off-track betting facilities, are all under the control of Champion. Before the rules are published and the public commenting period starts, those organizations cannot affect that process. Now that his organization is looking to add more staff, Champion stated that the initial rules should be published in the late fall.

John Pappas, state advocacy director for the gaming policy organization iDEA Growth, suggested that the reason for this might not only be the size of the state.

Maine only permits operators to keep 30 to 40% of the money made from wagers, which is unlikely to draw larger organizations.

There may be fewer licenses available here, which could serve as a disincentive, he added.

During the legislative session, the sports betting law debate garnered a lot of attention. Gov. Janet Mills, who has opposed the Wabanaki tribes and their supporters’ desire for more sovereignty, designed it as a compromise bill. 

Tribal leaders supported the legislation even though it was not the bill they preferred. They knew, however, it would open the door to operating a casino operation and the economic prospects it may bring.

However, it infuriated advocates of gambling because it invalidated a previous bill approved by both chambers the year before. With that one, permits for mobile betting would have been automatically granted to casinos and off-track betting companies. The current legislation only permits anyone to place bets in person there.

It may take some time before the entire list of interested parties is made available. About a dozen vendors of all sizes, according to Chief Maggie Dana of Sipayik’s Passamaquoddy Tribe have approached her regarding the rules. However, she stated that as they begin to have more in-depth discussions, they will sign non-disclosure agreements.

The post Betting in Maine appeared first on radiofreemaine.com.

There are reportedly only six licensed petition circulators in the entire state. The state law substantially restricts Maine residents’ capacity to place referendums on the ballot. This is according to the Boston-based appeals court.

In a 63-page opinion, Chief U.S. Circuit Judge David Barron stated that the law prohibits individuals who want to propose legislation from reaching into a pool of more than 250 million individuals of voting age to aid in the collection of signatures. Also to engage in face-to-face communication designed to bring about political change that accompanies that collection of signatures.

According to Obama appointee Barron, the First Amendment probably forbids a state rule. It dramatically limits the number of persons, both volunteer and paid, available to circulate petitions.

The decision is a victory for the We the People PAC.

A group working to pass a ballot initiative that would forbid non-citizens from casting ballots in any Maine elections. The PAC contends that some other states have opened up their electoral process to illegal aliens. The purpose of the referendum is to prevent that trend from making its way to the state of Maine according to a lower court decision that granted the preliminary injunction. This is despite the fact that Maine already prohibits non-citizens from voting.

The PAC’s initial campaign in 2019 yielded only 2,000 signatures, falling short of the approximately 63,000 needed to get the proposal on the ballot. The PAC attempted again the following year, combining 49 experienced out-of-state circulators with eligible voters; this new strategy generated about 38,000 signatures. The PAC believes that if it didn’t have to painstakingly match out-of-staters with locals, it could perform even better.

The PAC was likely to win on the merits. If it couldn’t use the circulators it wanted, it would suffer irreparable injury, according to the First Circuit. For that reason a preliminary injunction was necessary. By limiting involvement in its political process to its residents the state said that its regulations were important to maintain its politics at the grassroots.

However, the court ruled that Maine politics already only allowed Mainers to participate.

In fact, only residents of Maine are allowed to sign petitions or cast ballots for referendums.

Additionally, the state claimed that because it is simpler for state officials to get in touch with a citizen of Maine if they have concerns about the validity of a petition. The statute was required to avoid fraud. However, the court ruled that this argument was absurd given today’s technology; the state could easily demand that out-of-state circulators provide their most recent contact information. Last but not least, the state asserted that although Maine only has a small number of professional petition circulators, there are undoubtedly thousands of Mainers who would be prepared to do it as a side job to earn additional money.

The number of Mainers who might be willing to distribute a petition if they were paid to do so is not the pertinent point, he claimed in his letter. The crucial question is whether the residency restriction eliminates a sufficient number of individuals; especially professional circulators who could expand the campaign’s reach. This includes those who may live outside of Maine from the pool of potential circulators.

The First Amendment, according to Barron, protects the proponents’ ability to not only advocate for their cause but also to choose the strategy they feel will be most successful in doing so.

The post Maine unable to stop outsiders from gathering ballot petition signatures appeared first on radiofreemaine.com.

Access to the procedure won’t change right away in Maine as a result of the Supreme Court’s ruling.

But the political discussion leading up to the state’s general election in November, when voters will select a governor and all of the legislators, will undoubtedly be influenced.

It became evident on Friday that Republicans leaders don’t think Mainers will accept moves to restrict access. Democrats are still keen to organize voters concerned about abortion rights, however.
Dr Demi Kouzounas from the Maine Republican Party stated in a written statement that Mainers have weighed in over and over again on the subject. She believes that they have always supported access to abortions.

She thinks Maine won’t be significantly affected by this decision. Inflation and high gas and grocery prices will be the main concerns for Republicans. The party will concentrate on winning in November to address the immediate challenges at hand.

In Maine, state legislation was signed by Republican Governor John McKernan in 1993. Coming exactly 20 years after Roe v. Wade it codifies the right to an abortion up until a fetus is deemed viable outside the womb. This is usually at 22 to 24 weeks.
According to a Washington Post study, Maine and its New England neighbors are among 20 states unlikely to impose limitations on abortions. 13 states have “trigger bans” in effect. These are pieces of legislation that, in most cases 30 days after a Supreme Court decision reversing Roe, automatically outlaw the practice. According to the Post, seven additional states are anticipated to take action soon to outlaw or restrict abortion.

The judgment is expected to energize Democrats across the country ahead of the November elections. Maine Democrats are attempting to mobilize their supporters. One thing is certain: the future of abortion in Maine will be on the ballot this November.

The Supreme Court has officially overturned Roe v. Wade; this means millions of women across the country are about to lose their freedom to have an abortion. 

In order to defend the rights, safety, and future of not only Maine women Maine citizens must reelect Gov. Mills and our Democratic majority this November.

In April, the Maine Republican Party adopted a platform that categorically rejects abortion. Additionally, a number of Maine Republicans expressed their support for the decision; specifically the right of each state to set its own rules.  However, they refrained from requesting more limitations.

The Supreme Court’s judgment was downplayed by Republican contender Ed Thelander. He works for the 1st Congressional District, which is now represented by Democratic Rep. Chellie Pingree. He has claimed that the verdict merely corrects a former judgement that was, in the opinion of many, defective legally.

Thelander believes the judgment puts regulation of abortion back in the hands of state legislatures, as the creators intended. He also urged compassion, trust, and support for individuals debating getting an abortion.

Thelander declared that he respects the sanctity of life. But he remained silent regarding whether he would support or oppose any initiatives in Maine aimed at restricting access to abortions.
Pingree spoke briefly at a protest Friday in front of the Supreme Court in Washington and referred to the decision as catastrophic.
She attributed the decades-long drive to install anti-choice justices on the Supreme Court who would overturn Roe to Republican fanatics.

Pingree argued that six radical judges, nominated by presidents who lost the popular vote, have overturned nearly 50 years of established legal precedent that tens of millions of Americans have relied upon.

The choice might also have an impact on the outcome of the current governor’s race. On Friday, the candidates for the two major parties reaffirmed their prior views on abortion. The same ambiguous comment was made when a draft of the opinion overturning Roe was leaked last month by former governor Paul LePage. LePage is running for a third nonconsecutive term as governor. If he wins in November, a spokeswoman declined to say whether or how he plans to change the state legislation.

LePage stated that he is against taxpayer funding of abortion; with the exception of situations involving rape, incest, or when the mother’s life is in jeopardy. Without specifying when he believed viability occurred, he added that Maine’s state law currently forbids abortion beyond viability. He believes it should be updated to reflect current medical science.

LePage stated that he knew his mother faced difficult decisions and was grateful she chose life. As the child of a profoundly dysfunctional household, with domestic abuse that left him homeless, she had a choice to choose.

On Friday, Mills referred to the Supreme Court’s decision as an assault on women’s rights and reproductive freedom. She thinks that it will have no real impact on reducing the number of abortions performed nationwide. It is likely that it will merely reduce the safety of the abortions that do occur. She is committed to defending abortion rights in Maine.

Mills has also stated that she will vigorously defend the right to reproductive healthcare in Maine. She has promised  the people of Maine that she will use her veto pen to thwart any attempt to undercut, reverse, or outright abolish the right to safe and legal abortion in Maine for as long as she is governor

The post Abortion verdict certain to affect upcoming Maine elections appeared first on radiofreemaine.com.

The Maine chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America submitted 2,000 signatures for each of its four questions.  That represents a rapid turnaround for a campaign that was just begun earlier this month. It is a comfortable buffer above the 1,500 signatures required to place a question on the ballot. According to the city clerk’s office, the city is now finishing up the signature counts.

The four questions centered on housing, salaries, and tourism get to the heart of the economic issues Portland has been dealing with recently.

Firm proponents of business are already getting ready to vote against the referendums. With rising rents, a limited housing supply, and a successful track record for the Democrats prior push to raise the local minimum wage, they will undoubtedly dominate the local political season in Portland.

The goal for the Democrats is that those who work here should be allowed to stay here in Portland.

One proposal would eliminate the minimum pay of $6.50 for tip employees. It will also raise Portland’s minimum wage to $18 per hour. The state’s current minimum wage in Maine is $12.75 per hour.

Another one would restrict the number of cruise ships that might dock in the city. Democrats are aiming to implement a cap of 1,000 in an effort to lessen traffic and environmental effects.

By asking for additional notice before a no-cause eviction and banning application fees, a second question in the campaign would give renters more protection.

Another issue would limit short-term rentals to just owner-occupied duplexes. It would require the city to tell neighbors when a short-term rental has been allowed within 500 feet of them. This would cut down on the amount of short-term rentals.

Those advocating for landlords and companies are expected to fiercely oppose those plans.

Quincy Hentzel is the CEO of the Portland Regional Chamber of Commerce. He claimed that earlier efforts by progressive campaigners to raise hazard pay and limit rent increases to the rate of inflation had led to economic insecurity in the city during hard times.

She has stated that she can’t trust the Democratic Socialists of America to make decisions behind closed doors

Another referendum with a rental-related theme will also be introduced by a “loose group” of short-term rental owners. This is according to Chris Korzen, a Portland-based software development manager and owner of short-term rental property.

According to him, such a policy is not intended to compete with the DSA’s proposal. It requires short-term rental property owners to live within 20 miles of Portland. You would also have to have a local contact to handle complaints; effectively outlawing corporations from holding such properties. For existing operators who do not meet those conditions, it contains a grandfather clause.

The proposal would also increase penalties for those who falsify information on applications to run a short-term rental. It is looking to prevent landlords from evicting long-term occupants in order to turn their properties into short-term rentals. Any property owner who executes a no-cause eviction would have to wait one year before applying for a short-term rental license under the initiative.

1,800 people signed that petition, which the city has confirmed.

Korzen says that he wants to ensure that short-term rentals serve the needs of the city rather than being exploited by visitors at the detriment of locals.

The post Democrats influencing the November ballot in Portland appeared first on radiofreemaine.com.

The steep fall in voters not affiliated with a major party since just four years ago is notable. In Maine, only 32% of registered voters are not currently enrolled, down from about 37% ten years ago. In a state where two independent governors have been elected, that segment of voters has had a significant role in shaping the political identity for decades.
Given that the vast majority of independents — 81 percent in one Pew Research study — already tilt toward one party or the other, it is unclear whether the reduction in unenrolled voters would have substantial electoral implications. Voters who registered with the party they already lean toward but were previously unenrolled are unlikely to influence an election.

However, Mark Brewer, a professor of political science at the University of Maine in Orono, claimed that the fact that more voters are choosing to register with a major party is a reflection of the polarization of the country.

In comparison to the rest of America, Maine was considerably different twenty years ago.

He believes that is less true now, especially in the last ten years. In the years leading up to the 2020 presidential election, both parties’ active voter registrations had a net rise. According to the data, there have been 20,000 fewer actively registered voters overall since November 2020. Voters are removed off the rolls if they pass away, move, fail to answer to the state’s request for address confirmation; or if they fail to cast a ballot in two consecutive general elections.

According to the data, the number of registered Green voters has also increased, while the number of Libertarian voters has decreased significantly. However, the latter decline was caused by the party’s members being automatically disenrolled under a Maine law that dissolves parties that fall below a certain enrollment threshold. Last fall, it was deemed unconstitutional.
Additionally, the voter registration figures reveal contrasting partisan tendencies across the state. Republicans have made inroads in northern Maine and interior towns while Democrats’ margins widened in liberal southern and coastal towns.
For instance, over a four-year period, the Portland suburbs of Falmouth, Yarmouth, and Cape Elizabeth attracted over 2,700 new Democratic voters. During this time they also lost about 400 Republican voters.

According to the figures, Republicans outperformed Democrats in voter registration in more than 300 towns.

In Winslow, Rumford, and Madawaska, where there were a combined 850 voters, they gained the most votes overall. They also experienced even bigger percentage gains in less populous districts.
The majority of the cities where Republicans have made the largest gains are in the pivotal 2nd Congressional District. According to state records, there are slightly more than 1,000 more Republicans than Democrats among the 2nd District’s registered voters in 2018.

Republicans now hold a 4,700 voter registration edge over Democrats. This is despite the district becoming marginally more Democratic after the addition of numerous Democratic-leaning towns in Kennebec County during redistricting. Even if it’s still a slim margin, it can matter in a competitive congressional contest.
This November, Democratic U.S. Rep. Jared Golden will be up against Republican former Rep. Bruce Poliquin and independent Tiffany Bond in the contested seat. Ranked-choice voting will be used in the election.

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The workers have formed a new union they are calling Chipotle United. They claim they are not yet looking to join forces with the Service Employees International Union. That particular Union has been trying to organize Chipotle employees in New York City. Workers at the Augusta location sent a letter to management and Chipotle’s corporate offices informing them of their desire to organize a union, according to the Central Maine Morning Sentinel. It is extremely doubtful that the firm or store management will accept the union’s voluntary recognition without a fight, however.

Unionized Workforces

A unionized workforce makes it more difficult for employers like Chipotle to abuse its exploited workers. These people generate billions of dollars in revenue from their labor. In order to compel a vote on formal union recognition, it is likely that these employees will have to file a petition with the National Labor Relations Board. This will likely expose them to corporate reprisal and intimidation strategies. For instance, numerous workers have experienced harassment, termination, or other types of management retaliation. This has happened at both Amazon and Starbucks while organizing for union elections, and occasionally even after.

These workers are merely the most recent in a string of well-publicized unionization initiatives. There have been many successful efforts at food service establishments, shops, and corporate warehouses around the nation. Workers at Starbucks, Apple retail stores, and Amazon warehouses have all successfully structured their workplaces during the past six months. Even though the 14 million American workers who are currently unionized may make these unionization attempts, particularly those at Apple and Chipotle, appear insignificant, their successes are a crucial sign of what is to come.

In the US, Chipotle employs close to 100,000 people. Starbucks is close to 400,000, and Amazon, the biggest of the three, employs close to one million people. We could witness one of the largest increases in union density in at least the previous 60 years. This obviously depends if these unionization efforts succeeding in reaching the remaining employees in these enterprises. This surge in membership and the resulting vigor may be the unions’ ideal catalyst for igniting a more militant labor movement.

The work of Unions

There are crucial tasks ahead of us. These include supporting, defending, and aiding in the organization of this new generation of militant workers. This is because such union initiatives go beyond just discussing pay, benefits, and working conditions. They deal with the general future of the working class. The real strength of unions extends well beyond the workplace; even while contract disputes and conflicts with the employer can be crucial and necessary schools of war for the working class. Working people can learn about the true worth of their labor in unions. Also, they can find out how to harness that power for class-wide collective action.

Unions have a role to play in combating oppression as well as exploitation; from the latest wave of right-wing campaigns against trans people and abortion rights to racist police violence. Both Starbucks and Amazon employees have emphasized how closely their labor disputes are tied to social justice issues, such as the fight for LGBTQ+ and Black Lives. Of course, unions may and must utilize their influence to fight for improved living standards for all workers, including access to universal healthcare, free public higher education, livable public housing, secure renewable energy sources, and other basics of life that capitalism denies us.

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